From 51 defeated bills to $8M in revenue: How Cobalt reshaped Colorado abortion policy

February 19, 2026
By Jen Schumman

By Jen Schumann | Rocky Mountain Voice

A Colorado abortion advocacy organization is celebrating a decade of legislative defeats—51 abortion-restriction bills blocked since 2010—while reporting record spending and a surge in out-of-state demand.

On its website, Cobalt says it has “testified against and helped defeat 51 anti-abortion bills at the Colorado General Assembly since 2010.” 

Webpage from Cobalt Advocates referencing its 51-bill claim. Viewed Feb. 19, 2026.

A February data report shows more than $2.4 million spent in 2025 on abortion procedures and practical support, including travel and lodging.

Those numbers, drawn from Cobalt’s own reports and IRS filings, reflect more than annual fundraising success. They trace a broader shift in Colorado’s policy landscape. For more than a decade, restriction bills repeatedly died in committee.

Abortion-restriction proposals did not disappear from the Capitol. They changed shape over time.

Personhood bills resurfaced in the early 2010s, reviving familiar debates under the Gold Dome. Sponsors introduced measures defining life at conception and seeking to expand criminal protections for unborn children. They didn’t move very far.

By mid-decade, the debate shifted toward medical protocols. Proposals addressed reporting requirements, treatment mandates for infants born alive after attempted abortions and insurance-related restrictions. Those bills met the same fate.

The tone changed after Dobbs. By 2023, one measure sought to classify most abortions as criminal offenses under Colorado law. The following year brought a separate effort requiring doctors to provide information about abortion pill reversal. Neither cleared committee.

Over 15 years, restriction efforts resurfaced under different titles and strategies. Each time, they failed to reach the governor’s desk.

Cobalt says its testimony and organizing helped defeat those bills and dozens more over the past decade.

The revenue arc: How Cobalt’s financial footprint expanded

While restriction bills stalled, Cobalt expanded.

The 2024 Form 990 reflects a substantial financial footprint. Revenue came in at $8.44 million, driven largely by contributions and grants, and the balance sheet closed the year north of $22 million in total assets.

Excerpt from Cobalt Foundation’s 2024 Form 990 showing reported revenue and total assets.

The paperwork tells a story of growth—from a relatively small abortion fund to an operation now holding reserves in the tens of millions.

Prior to Dobbs, Cobalt’s abortion fund operated at a much smaller scale. Cobalt’s 2021 Form 990 lists $240,336 in program-service expenses for its abortion fund. That same filing reported $21,451,644 in contributions and grants—a sharp increase from prior years.

In the years following Dobbs, revenue remained in the millions. Program-service spending tied to the abortion fund topped $6.4 million in 2024, according to the organization’s Form 990.

A separate data release lists $2,405,480.45 spent in 2025 on abortion procedures and related practical support.

Recent filings also acknowledge lobbying activity.

While restriction bills stalled, Cobalt expanded. Funding climbed. In just two years, the staff roster grew fast enough to nearly double in size.

Colorado as a destination state: Out-of-state demand rises

Cobalt’s own data show that much of the recent growth is tied to demand beyond Colorado’s borders.

Cobalt breaks its assistance into two categories: “practical support,” which covers travel and lodging, and “procedural funding,” which covers the cost of the abortion itself.

In its 2025 data report, the organization stated that 86 percent of clients receiving practical support services—including travel and lodging—were Texas residents. 

The report also said 45 percent of procedural funding clients were Colorado residents while 34.6 percent were Texas residents.

Cobalt linked the increase to abortion restrictions enacted in neighboring states after Dobbs.

The figures position Colorado as a regional access point for abortion services in the Mountain West and Southwest.

Supporters of expanded abortion access argue that interstate travel reflects restrictions elsewhere, not policy incentives within Colorado. Critics counter that permissive laws and funding structures draw patients across state lines.

Regardless of interpretation, Cobalt’s own data show that a substantial share of its funding now supports clients who do not reside in Colorado.

Public insurance expansion and the taxpayer question

As restriction bills stalled, state law continued expanding access.

Amendment 79 rewrote Colorado’s constitution in 2024, clearing the required threshold with nearly 62 percent support. It placed abortion rights in the state’s governing document and removed the prohibition on public funding.

Lawmakers then aligned statute with that vote. Senate Bill 25-183 took effect Jan. 1, 2026, requiring abortion coverage under Colorado’s Medicaid program and certain state-regulated health plans. 

The fiscal note assumes that 100 percent of the projected increase in abortion services will be billed to the state-funded Medicaid program.

The law also mandates that individual and group health insurance plans regulated by the state provide coverage for the total cost of abortion care, including plans offered to public employees.

The final fiscal note also estimates abortion services costs of approximately $2.9 million in FY 2025–26 and $5.9 million in FY 2026–27.

The signed act includes a $2,928,800 General Fund appropriation to the Department of Health Care Policy and Financing and specifies that it may be used for abortion care.

The statute also authorizes the Department of Health Care Policy and Financing to exceed appropriations for abortion services if necessary.

To backers, the change reflects what voters already decided at the ballot box. Others focus on cost, raising questions about how expanded coverage will be funded over time.

A decade of defeats, a different policy landscape

Over 15 years, abortion-restriction proposals in Colorado have repeatedly stalled. During that same period, Cobalt’s financial base strengthened, its program spending expanded and the state’s statutory protections widened.

To supporters, that trajectory reflects Colorado voters’ commitment to abortion access.

To critics, it reflects a consolidation of institutional power that has effectively closed the door on legislative limits.

Public records show this much: Colorado’s abortion policy environment today looks markedly different than it did in 2010.

Restriction efforts have repeatedly stalled. During that time, funding grew and the Cobalt’s footprint became more visible.

Fifteen years of failed restrictions and expanding protections leaves Colorado with one of the most expansive abortion frameworks in the nation.